Sudan Chemical Weapons Allegations and the Islamist Resurgence


Sudan chemical weapons Islamist resurgence represents a dangerous convergence of two crises reshaping the conflict's trajectory. In September 2026, a leaked 150-file dossier provided evidence that the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) developed and deployed crude chlorine-gas bombs, marking what analysts describe as a "breaking of the chemical weapons taboo" in Sudan's civil war . Simultaneously, Islamist militia networks—particularly the Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade—have grown from a small battalion into a 35,000-strong force operating alongside the SAF, raising urgent questions about command responsibility, military accountability, and the postwar security architecture.

What Evidence Exists for Chemical Weapons Use by Sudan's Military?

Multiple independent sources have documented evidence of a rudimentary chemical weapons program. The Washington Post examined videos, documents, photographs, and messages indicating a secret program involving the manufacture and testing of chlorine bombs dropped by Su-24 bombers in 2024 and 2025 . A 32-page investigation led by former senior OPCW officials interviewed eight Sudanese witnesses who described aerial attacks followed by rapid onset of respiratory symptoms—coughing, difficulty breathing, eye irritation, and dermatological effects—at the Al-Jili Oil Refinery near Khartoum in September 2024 . Dr. Gareth Williams, a former senior OPCW official, stated the evidence was "troubling" and "would warrant further investigation because it looks on the surface like a chemical weapons programme," noting photographs showing "the characteristic colour of chlorine, which is yellowy-green".

How Is the Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade Connected to the SAF?

The Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade emerged from the Popular Defense Forces established under Omar al-Bashir in 1989 and has expanded rapidly since the civil war began in April 2023 . According to the Henry Jackson Society, the Brigade has grown from a battalion into a force of approximately 35,000 fighters, drawing heavily from Islamist networks tied to remnants of al-Bashir's regime and the Muslim Brotherhood . The U.S. Treasury sanctioned the group in September 2025, and the State Department designated it as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist and Foreign Terrorist Organization effective March 16, 2026 . According to the State Department, the group has contributed upward of 20,000 fighters to Sudan's war, many of whom received training and support from Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Why Did the US Designate Sudan's Muslim Brotherhood as a Terrorist Organization?

The State Department named the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood, identified as the Sudanese Islamic Movement, together with its armed wing, the Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade, as a terrorist organization . The designation cites the group's contribution of fighters to the war, training and support from Iran's IRGC, and mass executions of civilians selected by race, ethnicity, and suspected political affiliation . The decision followed years of documentation by human rights organizations and investigative journalists regarding atrocities committed by the Brigade, including the Halfiya Massacre where 33 volunteers were executed in northern Khartoum, and reports of beheadings and disembowelments in Gezira State.

What Are the Risks of Islamist Networks Regaining Power in Post-War Sudan?

The critical question is not who wins the war, but what security architecture emerges afterward. The Asharq Al-Awsat analysis notes that Sudan's Islamist movement, while facing unprecedented political pressure and international isolation, still possesses "extensive organizational networks, decades of political experience, and influence within parts of the state and society" . The danger lies in wartime mobilization creating "previously weak networks" that become relevant again and potentially retain weapons, battlefield experience, and institutional access after the fighting ends . As the Eurasia Review analysis warns, the broader risk is that "armed groups retaining weapons, battlefield experience and institutional access" could destabilize any future political settlement .

How Does the OPCW Investigate Chemical Weapons Allegations in Sudan?

The OPCW has established procedures for investigating alleged chemical weapons use, including environmental and biomedical sampling, site inspections, and witness interviews . Sudan joined the Chemical Weapons Convention in 1999 and currently serves on the OPCW Executive Council . At the 112th Session of the Executive Council, U.S. Ambassador Nicole Shampaine urged Sudan to grant the OPCW Technical Secretariat "immediate, transparent and unrestricted access" to investigate, stating that "the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons is absolute and non-negotiable" . The U.S. dismissed Sudan's national committee as insufficient, arguing that "domestic bureaucratic mechanisms are not a substitute for treaty compliance and independent verification" . Chad warned at the session that any possession or use of chemical weapons in Sudan would threaten the security and stability of neighboring countries .

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)

Why does Sudan reject US chemical weapons allegations?Sudan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes the sanctions as "unilateral and illegal" and based on "false allegations." Sudan maintains it neither produces, possesses, nor uses chemical weapons and accuses the U.S. of failing to provide credible evidence or follow Chemical Weapons Convention procedures .

What is the connection between Iran and Sudanese Islamist militias?According to the State Department and multiple analyses, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has provided training and support to Al-Baraa Bin Malik Brigade fighters, including instruction on operating combat drones and explosive maritime boat systems . This support connects Sudanese Islamist factions to Tehran's broader regional strategy .

How does Sudan's conflict affect Red Sea security?The Institute of Foreign Affairs notes that Sudan's war "pressures Ethiopia's western frontier, exposes South Sudan's oil and transition vulnerabilities, disrupts Red Sea logistics, and pulls Gulf, Egyptian, Turkish, and Iranian interests into the same theatre" . Port Sudan's exposure to drone strikes demonstrates that the Red Sea is "part of the war's geography" .

What happens if chemical weapons use is independently confirmed?If confirmed, the question becomes "responsibility, command responsibility, and institutional chain of command where such weapons were used" . This could trigger stronger investigative and accountability mechanisms, potentially including referral to international judicial bodies.

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